Andy Burnham is set to become UK Prime Minister on 20 July if no-one else stands to replace Keir Starmer. In a speech on 29 June, he outlined his economic vision. Central to this is devolution, where a greater number of economic decisions would be taken locally rather than by central government. This approach has been dubbed ‘Manchesterism’, in reference to his time as Mayor of Greater Manchester from 2017 to earlier this year. Under his mayoralty, Greater Manchester (GM) achieved faster economic growth than other regions or cities in the UK. From 2017 to 2023, GM’s gross value added grew by an average of 6.6% per annum and the city of Manchester’s by 8.4% – the highest of any city in the UK. The UK average was 4.9% and London’s was 4.6%.
The UK, especially England, is one of the least devolved of the OECD countries. One aspect of this is taxation. The chart shows local taxes and, in the case of federal countries, state/regional/provincial taxes too. (Click here for a PowerPoint.)
Only 4.9% of UK tax revenue is in the form of local taxes (council tax and 50% of business rates) and the amount that can be raised in council tax is capped by the central government. The remainder of UK tax revenue goes to central government in the form of income taxes, social security taxes (national insurance), VAT, excise duties, etc. This compares with an average of 7.1% local taxes and 24.5% local plus regional taxes across the 17 OECD countries shown in the chart.
Andy Burnham plans to shift some of the spending and tax-raising powers from Whitehall to metro mayors and local councils. The aim is to stimulate productivity and economic growth at a regional and local level by tailoring support and incentives to local needs and strengths. Local leaders will be best positioned to understand these needs and strengths and will be able to customise spending and support appropriately.
Examples of the types of greater autonomy over decision making would include:
- Control over adult education budgets to allow them to be tailored to provide training and apprenticeships to meet the skills requirements of existing and emerging industries in the area;
- Forming partnerships with local universities to support research and development that complements regional economic growth;
- Providing greater funding for and control over local transport infrastructure, including roads, buses, trams, trains, etc., with local consultation to make them fit for the local population and businesses;
- Tailoring business incentives to local needs and to the needs of the businesses themselves so as to attract an increase in investment;
- Greatly expanding council house building, which has virtually dried up in recent years, with mayors and/or local authorities empowered to develop local housing strategies, including affordable housing programmes, and to direct housing investment funding to particular housing developments in areas of greatest need.
Andy Burnham has pledged to stick to the government’s two existing fiscal rules:
a) The Stability Rule (Fiscal Mandate): the current (day-to-day) budget must be in balance or surplus. In other words the provision of salaries, public services, state pensions, welfare, etc. must be covered by government revenues (largely taxation). The government should borrow only to fund long-term investment.
b) The Debt Rule (Stock Mandate): each year, public-sector net financial liabilities (PSNFL) must be forecast by the OBR to be falling as a share of GDP compared to the previous year in three years’ time. This acts as a break on the amount of borrowing for long-term investment.
It is likely, therefore, that there will be little extra government money for investment. Rather, the policy involves a redistribution of public-sector investment from central government to mayoral/local authorities.
In theory, such a policy of devolution need not see a redistribution from richer to poorer regions, but that might be part of the policy when the details are published. The UK has a bigger gap in productivity (GDP per worker) between its capital city and other large cities than in do other countries. Birmingham, Sheffield, Leeds, Newcastle, etc., as well as Cardiff, Glasgow, Edinburgh and Belfast, lag further behind London in output per head and economic growth than do other European countries lag behind their capital city. Thus the gap between Paris and Lyon, Toulouse and Marseille is narrower; as is that between Belin and Munich, Hamburg and Frankfurt. It is a similar picture in Spain and Italy. In the USA, some cities, such as San Francisco, outperform Washington DC and New York. A redistribution of government funding from London to the regions could see their incomes rise faster without having too much impact on London, which would still continue to attract large amounts of private investment.
Overall, there would be little increase in government funding. ‘Manchesterism’ is not, therefore, a demand-side policy. It is a supply-side policy – directing funds to areas where, combined with local incentives and local knowledge, the funding could yield greater returns and thereby increase potential GDP.
But this is not to say that there is no effect on aggregate demand. The hope is that devolution along the lines outlined by Andy Burnham will attract increased private investment, thereby increasing actual GDP as well as further increasing potential GDP.
We wait to see the details over the coming weeks.
Articles
- Will Andy Burnham’s devolution plan raise economic growth?
BBC Verify, Ben Chu (29/6/26)
- Burnham’s ‘Manchesterism’ could change the UK, but is not yet a full economic plan
BBC News, Faisal Islam (29/6/26)
- Burnham’s ‘Manchesterism’ got him to No 10 – but will it work for the UK?
BBC News, Faisal Islam (17/7/26)
- Burnham says there is some room for movement on tax
BBC News, Kate Wannel and Joshua Nevett (3/7/26)
- England’s mayors should be given sweeping new powers, says devolution expert
The Guardian, Kiran Stacey (2/7/26)
- What is Andy Burnham’s economic and political blueprint for Britain?
The Guardian, Richard Partington and Jessica Elgot (29/6/26)
- Why Andy Burnham’s radical plan relies on the Treasury being a friend of devolution
The Conversation, Dave Richards and Sam Warner (26/6/26)
- How Andy Burnham may try to give the UK economy a boost in his ‘10‑year plan’
The Conversation, Steve Schifferes (29/6/26)
- Could Andy Burnham let mayors raise more taxes?
House of Commons Research Briefing, Mark Sandford (2/7/26)
- Andy Burnham sets out policy plans in first major speech in PM leadership bid: Legal comments
Browne Jacobson, Dan Robinson (29/6/26)
- What does Andy Burnham think ‘Good Growth’ is?
Centre for Cities, Jess Tulasiewicz (30/6/26)
- Manchester’s digital transformation could be a blueprint for other parts of the UK
The Conversation, Richard Whittle (21/7/26)
Videos
Data
Questions
- Use an aggregate demand and supply diagram (simple or dynamic) to illustrate the effects on real GDP of a successful devolution strategy.
- Find out the details of the last Conservative government’s ‘levelling up’ policy. Was it similar in aims to that of ‘Manchesterism’?
- How could a policy of devolution as outlined by Andy Burnham affect income distribution within regions?
- Find out about the approach to regional policy in the EU. Is it similar to that being advocated by Andy Burnham?
- What is meant by ‘regional multipliers’? Why might they differ from the national multiplier?
Every year, world leaders gather to find ways of limiting global warming. The latest of these ‘COP’ meetings, COP30, is in Belém, Brazil from 10 to 20 November 2025. COP stands for ‘Conference of the Parties’, the decision-making body of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).
Perhaps the best-known of these meetings was in Paris in 2015. This resulted in the Paris Agreement. This is a legally-binding international treaty to limit global warming to well below 2°C and preferably to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. This would involve reducing greenhouse gas emissions and/or taking carbon absorbing measures. All UN countries except for Iran, Libya and Yemen are signatories to the agreement.
However, on coming to office in January 2025, President Trump announced that the USA will withdraw from the agreement in January 2026. Instead, he would prioritise fossil fuel production, under the mantra, ‘drill, baby, drill’. Previously he had claimed that global warming is a hoax concocted by China designed to undermine the competitive power of the USA.
Progress in reducing emissions and mitigating climate change
Since 2020, each country has been required to submit its own emissions-reduction targets, known as ‘nationally determined contributions’ (NDCs), and the actions it will take to meet them. Every five years each country must submit a new NDC more ambitious than the last. New NDCs are due this year. As of 12 November, 112 of the 197 countries had submitted a new NDC (including the USA, China, the EU and the UK). These 112 countries account for around 71 per cent of global emissions.
Implementing all new NDCs would reduce global CO2 emissions by between 15 and 25 per cent from current levels by 2035. But this would merely reduce global warming to around 2.6°C above pre-industrial levels. Approximately 35 per cent emissions reductions by 2035 would be required to restrict global warming to 2°C and 55 per cent to restrict it to 1.5°C.
But implementing the Paris Agreement has still had a high degree of success. Without the action taken and being taken over the past 10 years, it is predicted that global temperatures by 2050 would rise by 3–3.5°C.
Rich countries are expected to provide finance to low-income countries. This is required to help such countries adopt green technologies and to adapt to the harmful effects of climate change (e.g. through irrigation schemes and flood defences). At COP29 in Azerbaijan, the ‘Baku Finance Goal’ was agreed. This is an agreement to provide climate finance of $1.3 trillion per year by 2035 to developing countries from all public and private sources.
The subsequent ‘Baku to Belém Roadmap’ provides a set of suggested actions for governments, financial institutions and the private sector to bridge the gap between current climate finance flows and the $1.3 trillion agreed to meet global climate goals. The roadmap is a central focus of the COP30 conference in Belém, with discussions between countries on how to translate the Baku finance goal into concrete, tangible actions and integrate it into formal decisions.
The role of Donald Trump
As well as announcing that the USA will withdraw from the Paris Agreement in January 2026, since coming to office in 2025, President Trump has given billions of dollars of tax cuts to fossil fuel firms and allowed drilling for oil and gas on federal lands. At the same time, he has described renewable energy as ‘a joke’ that will bankrupt countries and has slashed subsidies and tax breaks for solar and wind power, withdrawn permits for wind and solar farms, and cut funding for green energy research.
He wants the USA to be world leader in fossil fuel energy, calling on governments to buy US oil and gas, threatening some countries with tariffs if they do not. Already, Japan, South Korea and several European countries have agreed to buy huge quantities of US oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG). A worry is that other similarly inclined governments, such as Argentina, may roll back on their commitments to a green transition and instead boost their fossil fuel industries.
This gives added urgency to the Belém talks. It is crucial for the rest of the world to stick together in pushing ahead to combat global warming and in adopting and sticking to tough NDCs. It is also crucial for rich countries to support dlow-income countries in adopting climate-friendly investment and in measures to mitigate the effects of global warming.
The economics of climate change
Climate change is directly caused by market failures. One of the most important of these is that the atmosphere is a common resource: it is not privately owned; it is a global ‘commons’. Individuals and firms use it at a zero price. If the price of any good or service to the user is zero, there is no incentive to economise on its use. Thus for the emitter there are no private costs of using the atmosphere in this way as a ‘dump’ for their emissions and, in a free market, no incentive to reduce the climate costs.
And yet when firms emit greenhouse gases into the atmosphere there are costs to other people. To the extent that they contribute to global warming, part of these costs will be borne by the residents of that country; but a large part will be borne by inhabitants of other countries.
These climate costs are external costs to the firm and are illustrated in the figure. It shows an industry that emits CO2. To keep the analysis simple, assume that it is a perfectly competitive industry with demand and supply given by curves D and S, which are equal to the marginal private benefits (MPB) and marginal private costs (MPC), respectively. There are no externalities on the demand side and hence MPB equals the marginal social cost (MSB). Market equilibrium is at point a, with output at Qpc and price at Ppc. (Click here for a PowerPoint.)
Assume that the emissions create a marginal cost to society equal to MECc. Assume that the MEC increases as output and total emissions increase. The MECc line is thus upward sloping. At the market price of Qpc, these external climate costs are equal to the purple vertical line. When these external climate costs are added to private costs, this gives a marginal social cost given by MSC = MPC + MECc. The gives a socially optimal level of output of the product of Q* at a price of P*, with the optimum point of c.
In other words, other things being equal, the free market overproduces products with climate externalities. If the output is to be reduced to the social optimum of Q*, then the government will need to take measures such as those advocated in the Paris Agreement. These could include imposing taxes on products, such as electricity generated by fossil fuels, or on the emissions themselves. Or green alternatives, such as wind power, could be subsidised.
Alternatively, regulations could be used to cap the production of products creating emissions, or caps on the emissions themselves could be imposed. Emissions permits could be issued or auctioned. Only firms in possession of the permits would be allowed to emit and the permits would cap emissions below free-market levels. These permits could be traded under a cap-and-trade scheme, such as the EU’s Emissions Trading Scheme. Again, such schemes are advocated under the Paris Agreement.
COP30 and progress in tackling climate change
The USA is not attending COP30 in Brazil. Nor is the Chinese leader, Xi Jinping. However, there are growing opportunities for translating aims into practical policies for specific sectors, such as energy, transport and carbon-intensive industries. These policies may require some degree of government action – taxes, subsidies or regulation – to internalise climate externalities. But increasingly, green alternatives are becoming economically viable without subsidies or with just initial government funding to ‘crowd in’ private investment, which will then attract further private capital as external economies of scale kick in. Increasingly investors will find profitable opportunities in climate-friendly projects.
At the same time, while the USA is moving away from climate-friendly investment (as least for the term of the Trump Presidency), China is moving in the opposite direction, with massive investment in solar panels, wind turbines, EVs and batteries – investment that is bringing down their cost and thereby encouraging their adoption around the world. Such technologies create huge opportunities for low-income countries to provide affordable energy and to create local jobs, both skilled and unskilled. It also helps them achieve much greater energy security by reducing their reliance on fossil fuel imports
Chinese advances in green technology are also providing a stimulus to other countries to invest in renewable industries to prevent Chinese dominance. The danger, however, of Chinese dominance in the renewable sector in high-income countries is that it may encourage them to impose tariffs on Chinese imports of EVs, solar panels, etc. to protect their own industries.
But despite the growing opportunities for profitable adoption of green technologies without government support, there is still much that governments need to do to encourage the process. COP meetings are an important forum for discussing such policies and holding governments to account for meeting or not meeting their targets.
The agreement
The agreement reached at the end of the conference marked relatively small progress. There was agreement to increase finance from developed to developing countries to help them adapt to climate change. This would triple to $120bn per year, up from the previously agreed doubling, but the target date was pushed back to 2035 from the previously agreed 2030.
By the end of the conference, 122 of the 197 countries had submitted a new NDC – still 75 countries short, although others are expected.
The conference also agreed to establish a ‘just transition mechanism (JTM)’ to ‘enhance international cooperation, technical assistance, capacity-building and knowledge-sharing, and enable equitable, inclusive just transitions’. However, this is voluntary and no funding was attached, but it could act as the basis for future funding.
The biggest failure of the conference was probably the lack of agreement on phasing out of fossil fuels. This is not surprising given the opposition of the major oil producers. The hope is that the reduction in costs of renewable energy will drive the process anyway – a process that China is keen to accelerate with its investment in solar power and other renewable energy. One hopeful development, however, was the pledging of more than $9bn to halt deforestation, a major source of global warming. (See the Travers Smith article at the end of the Articles list below for a very useful summary of the outcome.)
Articles
- What is COP30 and why does it matter for the climate?
Chatham House, Anna Åberg (5/9/25)
- COP30 in Brazil: What is at stake for global collaboration on climate and nature?
World Economic Forum, Pim Valdre (5/11/25)
- What is COP30 and why does it matter?
CNN, Laura Paddison (11/11/25)
- Why COP 30 in Brazil Matters for a Thriving Economy and a Safe, Livable Planet
Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS),Rachel Cleetus (7/11/25)
- Nationally Determined Contributions: The Action Plans Behind Global Efforts To Fight the Climate Crisis
Center for American Progress (CAP, Kalina Gibson and Courtney Federico (22/9/25)
- New climate pledges only slightly lower dangerous global warming projections
UN Environment Programme, Press Release (4/11/25)
- COP30: Trump and many leaders are skipping it, so does the summit still have a point?
BBC News, Justin Rowlatt (10/11/25)
- Trump dismisses clean energy as ‘a joke.’ But Americans deserve facts, not fear
USA Today, Mark McNees (23/9/25)
- The surprising countries pulling off stunningly fast clean energy transitions
CNN, Ella Nilsen and Samuel Hart (7/11/25)
Could the world’s biggest polluter be its savior against climate change?CNN, Simone McCarthy (17/11/25)
- COP 2025: Outlook and Implications for Investors
RankiaPro, Joanna Piwko, Allegra Ianiri, Marie Lassegnore and Jean-Philippe Desmartin (10/11/25)
Post-agreement
- Belém: yet another cop out
Zero Hour, Allan Gray (25/11/25)
- Cop30’s watered-down agreements will do little for an ecosystem at tipping point
The Guardian, Fiona Harvey, Jonathan Watts, Damien Gayle and Damian Carrington (22/11/25)
- COP30: Five key takeaways from a deeply divisive climate summit
BBC News, Justin Rowlatt and Matt McGrath, (25/11/25)
- COP30: What were the key outcomes?
Travers Smith (1/12/25)
Information and Data
Questions
- Summarise the Paris Agreement.
- Summarise the Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3T.
- What incentives are there for countries to stick to their NCDs?
- Using a diagram similar to that above, illustrate how the free market will produce a sub-optimal amount of solar power because the marginal social benefit exceeds the marginal private benefit. How might the calculation be changing?
- How might game theory be used to analyse possible international decision making at COP conferences? How might this be affected by the attitudes of the Trump administration?
- Is it in America’s interests to cease investing in green energy and green production methods?
Following the controversary over the sale of tickets for popular live events such as Taylor Swift’s Eras tour and the Oasis Live ’25 Tour, the government launched a consultation exercise in January 2025 on the resale of tickets. Titled, ‘putting fans first’, the exercise sought the views of individuals and organisations on a range of policy proposals. One of these was the implementation of a cap on the resale price of tickets.
The government is not only considering whether to implement a cap but also the level at which it might be set. The following question was included in the consultation exercise.
What is the maximum uplift that you think should be applied if ticket resales were to be subject to a price cap? Please state the reason for your selection.
• no uplift at all
• 10% or less
• between 10 and 20%
• between 20 and 30%
• other – please state
Some platforms such as Twickets and Ticketswap already cap resale prices on their platforms at between 5 and 10 per cent above the face value of the ticket. They are, therefore, less likely to be affected by any new price regulation unless the ‘no uplift at all’ option is chosen. On other platforms, such as Viagogo and Stubhub, resellers are free to list tickets at whatever price they choose. This is often referred to as the uncapped market, and tickets for the Oasis tour with a face value of £150 were listed on these websites for £14 000. The implementation of a price cap is likely to have a big impact on this part of the resale market. The chief executive of StubHub stated in June 2025 that the business would probably have to exit the UK if a cap was introduced.
Although many fans dislike the uncapped secondary ticketing market, most economists take a more positive view. They see them as a way of facilitating mutually beneficial trade and helping to reallocate tickets to those with the highest willingness to pay. This reduces levels of allocative inefficiency/deadweight welfare loss in the market.
Economists also tend to argue against the use of price controls in competitive markets because of their negative impact on supply. If price controls reduce the available returns to sellers, they have an incentive to do something else with their time/resources i.e. switch to supplying other goods and services in markets not subject to price controls. This reduces supply in the regulated market and so could have a negative impact on consumer surplus.
What are the issues with the secondary market?
Given the benefits outlined by economists of having an uncapped secondary ticketing, why is the government considering the implementation of a price cap? One potential issue of having an uncapped secondary ticketing market is that developments in technology make it easier for professional resellers to buy very large quantities of tickets. This makes it increasingly difficult for fans who want to attend the event from being able to purchase a ticket.
Reports also suggest that professional resellers use illegal methods to both mass purchase and resell tickets. For example, to overcome any limits on sales imposed by the sellers in the primary market, some use automated software, fake IDs and multiple credit cards. Two people convicted of fraudulent trading in 2024 were found to have bought 47 000 tickets over a 212-year period, using 127 names and 187 different e-mail addresses.
Some resellers have also acted in ways that do not comply with consumer law when advertising tickets for sale. For example, not providing information such as the ticket number and other details about where the seat is located i.e. the block/area and row.
These rent seeking activities by professional resellers could outweigh the positive impact of uncapped secondary market on allocative efficiency.
Implementing a resale price cap would reduce the incentives for professional resellers to purchase large quantities of tickets and engage in these rent-seeking activities. However, in the consultation document the government recognises that the implementation of a resale price cap would be a ‘significant and complex intervention’.
An important implementation issue
To calculate the resale price cap for any live event, the original price of the ticket in the primary market needs to be known. This raises an interesting question – should the cap apply to the initial face value of the ticket or the total price the customer pays?
The face value of the ticket may only represent a proportion of the actual cost of buying a ticket because of the widespread use of drip pricing. This is the practice of applying additional fees as the consumer proceeds through the online purchasing process. These fees can sometimes add around 25 per cent and more to the price of a ticket. In the consultation document, the government suggested that the cap should apply to the face value of the ticket plus all compulsory fees.
One issue raised in the response to the consultation by the Competition and Markets Authority is that these fees are not always made clear by sellers in the primary market in a clear and transparent way. Therefore, for the policy to be effective, primary market sellers would have to make information on both ticket prices and any fees clearly and easily available. Recent changes to the law that prohibit drip pricing might help to address this issue.
The potential impact of a resale price cap on fraud
To avoid the price cap, there is a danger that increasing numbers of buyers and sellers stop using capped secondary ticket platforms, where activity is easier to observe/regulate, and switch to other non-specialist platforms where detection of illegal behaviour and enforcement of consumer law is more difficult. Examples of non-specialist platforms where sales might increasingly take place include Facebook Marketplace, Instagram Shop, X (formerly Twitter) and internet forums. With lower levels of consumer protection and the greater difficulty of detecting illegal behaviour, sales via these non-specialist platforms are more vulnerable to scams and fraud.
When referring to the impact of a resale price cap, the chief executive of StubHub argued that:
It will have a massive negative impact on consumers. It’s not like the demand is going to go away, it’s just going to move somewhere else, and that somewhere else is going to be the black market [where] consumers aren’t protected.
To test the hypothesis that price controls lead to greater incidences of fraud, one study used polling data to compare ticket fraud rates in the UK with Victoria, Australia and Ireland. In 2009, the state government of Victoria made it illegal for tickets to be resold for more than 10 per cent of their face, while the Irish government introduced the Sale of Ticket Act in 2021 that prohibited the resale of tickets above their original price. The study found that the proportion of respondents who reported being victims of ticket fraud over the previous two years was around four times higher in Victoria and Ireland than the UK. The most common sales channel where consumers experienced ticket fraud in all three countries were social media platforms.
Another example of the potential impact of the price cap in Ireland on fraud relates to the first ever regular-season NFL game that is being played in Dublin on 28 September 2025 between the Pittsburgh Steelers and the Minnesota Vikings. The online bank, Revolut, reported an 80 per cent increase in the number of ticket scams when tickets for this game went on sale.
In response to the consultation exercise, the Competition and Markets Authority backed the implementation of a resale price. It will be interesting to see if the government goes through with the measure in the next few months.
Consultation
Articles
Blogs on this site
Questions
- Why might event organisers set ticket prices below the market clearing rate? Illustrate the impact of setting prices below market clearing rates on consumer, producer and total surplus in the primary market for tickets.
- Using a demand and supply diagram, explain how the uncapped secondary ticket market could reduce deadweight welfare loss. Discuss any assumptions you have made about the allocation of tickets among potential buyers in the primary market (i.e. sorting).
- Is it possible for professional resellers to continue making a profit if tickets are sold at market clearing rates in the primary market? Explain your answer.
- Under what circumstances would a maximum price set below the market clearing rate in a competitive market have a negative impact on consumer surplus? Draw a diagram to illustrate your answer.
- Using examples, explain what is meant by ‘rent seeking’ in economic theory.
Outline some of the recent updates to the law on pricing information that businesses must show customers.
- What policies, other than a resale price cap, could the government introduce to try to address some of the issues with the ticketing market for live events?
The UK energy regulator, Ofgem, has announced that the UK energy price cap will rise in October by an average of 2%. The energy price cap sets the maximum prices for electricity and gas that can be charged by suppliers to households. For those paying by direct debit, the maximum electricity price per kilowatt-hour (kWh) will rise from 25.73p to 26.35p, with the maximum daily standing charge rising from 51.37p to 53.68p. As far as gas is concerned, the maximum price per kWh will fall slightly from 6.33p to 6.29p, with the maximum daily standing charge rising from 29.82p to 34.03p. Ofgem estimates that this will mean that the capped cost to the average household will rise from £1720 to £1755.
The average capped cost is now much lower than the peak of £4279 from January to March 2023. This followed the huge increase in international gas prices in the aftermath of the invasion of Ukraine and the cutting off of gas supplies from Russia. Note that although the suppliers received these capped prices, average consumers’ bills were limited to £2500 from October 2022 to March 2024 under the government’s Energy Price Guarantee scheme, with suppliers receiving a subsidy from the government to make up the shortfall. But despite today’s cap being much lower than at the peak, it is still much higher than the cap of £1277 prior to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine: see Chart 1 (click here for a PowerPoint).
So is the capped price purely a reflection of the international price of gas, or is it more complicated? The picture is slightly different for gas and electricity.
Gas prices
As far as gas prices are concerned, the price does largely reflect the international price: see Chart 2 (click here for a PowerPoint).
The UK is no longer self-sufficient in gas and relies in part on imported gas, with the price determined in volatile international markets. It also has low gas storage capacity compared with most other European countries. This leaves it highly reliant on volatile global markets in periods of prolonged high demand, like a cold winter. Is such cases, the UK often has to purchase more expensive liquefied natural gas (LNG) from global suppliers.
Additionally, taxes, environmental levies and the costs of the nationwide gas distribution network contribute to the overall price for consumers. Changes in these costs affect gas prices. These are itemised below in the case of electricity.
With electricity pricing, the picture is more complex.
Electricity prices
Electricity generation costs vary considerably with the different methods. Renewable sources like wind and solar have the lowest marginal costs, while natural gas plants have the highest, although gas prices fluctuate considerably.
So how are consumer electricity prices determined? And how is the electricity price cap determined? The price cap for electricity per kWh and the daily standing charge for electricity are shown in Chart 3 (click here for a PowerPoint).
Marginal cost pricing. The wholesale price of electricity in the UK market is set by the most expensive power source needed to meet demand on a day-by-day basis. This is typically gas. This means that even when cheaper renewables (wind, solar, hydro) or nuclear power generate most of the electricity, high gas prices can increase the cost for all electricity. The wholesale price accounts for around 41% of the retail price paid by households.
It also means that profits for low-marginal-cost producers could increase significantly when gas prices rise. To prevent such (low-carbon) suppliers making excess profits when the wholesale price is high and possibly making a loss when it is low, the actual prices that they receive is negotiated in advance and a contract is signed. These contracts are known as Contracts for Difference (CfDs). CfDs provide a fixed ‘strike price’ to low-carbon generators. The strike price is set so as to allow low-carbon generators to recoup capital costs and is thus set above the typical level of marginal cost. If the wholesale price is below the strike price, payments to generators to cover the difference are funded by amounts collected from electricity suppliers in advance using the CfD Supplier Obligation Levy. If the wholesale price is above the strike price, the difference is returned to consumers in terms of lower electricity bills.
Policy costs. Electricity bills include an element to fund various social and environmental objectives. This element is also included in the cap. From October to December 2025, this element of the cap will be 11.3%. The money helps to subsidise low-carbon energy generation and fund energy efficiency schemes. It also funds the Warm Home Discount (WHD). In the October to December 2025 price cap, this amounted to a discount for eligible low-income and vulnerable households of £150 per annum on their electricity bills. The WHD element is included in the standing charge in the price cap. From October 2025, more generous terms will mean that the number of households receiving WHD will increase from 3.4 million to 6.1 million households. This is the main reason for the £35 increase in the cap.
Network costs. These include the cost of building, maintaining and repairing the pipes and wires that deliver gas and electricity to homes. From October to December 2025, this element of the cap will be 22.6%.
Supplier business costs. These include operating costs (billing, metering, office costs, etc.) and servicing debt. From October to December 2025, this element of the cap will be 15.4%.
Profit Allowance. A small percentage is added to the price cap for energy suppliers’ profits. This is known as the Earnings Before Interest and Tax (EBIT) allowance and is around 2.4%. This has a fixed component that does not change when the overall price cap is updated and a variable component that rises or falls with changes in the cap.
Reliance on gas, low gas storage facilities, marginal cost pricing and the commitment to invest in low-carbon electricity and home heating all add to the costs of energy in the UK, making UK electricity prices among the highest in the world.
Articles
Information and Data
Questions
- Why are the UK’s energy prices among the highest in the world?
- What are the arguments for and against subsidising wind power?
- What is the Contracts for Difference scheme in low-carbon energy. What CfDs have been awarded? Assess the desirability of the scheme.
- Is the capping of gas and electricity prices the best way of providing support for low-income and vulnerable consumers?
- How are externalities relevant in determining the optimal pricing of electricity?
Africa’s energy transition is at a pivotal moment. While the continent boasts abundant renewable energy resources, its electricity generation and distribution remain fragmented. Cross-border electricity trade has emerged as a potential game-changer, fostering energy security, reducing costs, and accelerating the adoption of renewables. However, is Africa fully leveraging this opportunity?
In a forthcoming paper in the Energy & Environment journal, I join forces with my colleagues Mercy Adaji and Bereket Kebede to argue that the answer to this question is no. Our study examines the impact of cross-border electricity trade in renewable electricity generation across 21 African countries over a 24-year period (1996–2020). Our findings indicate that a 1% increase in electricity trade significantly raises the share of renewables in total electricity output by approximately 0.05%. This underscores the crucial role of regional integration in advancing Africa’s clean energy goals, aligning with previous studies (e.g., Boz et al., 2021; Song et al., 2022, linked below) that highlight how electricity market integration promotes renewable energy investments by stabilising supply and mitigating intermittency risks.
Despite these advantages, cross-border electricity trade remains significantly underutilised due to regulatory barriers, inadequate infrastructure, and governance challenges.
Net electricity-importing countries tend to benefit more from trade, while net-exporting nations, particularly those reliant on fossil fuels, exhibit weaker positive impacts. Without targeted policies (such as carbon pricing and green subsidies) trade disparities may persist, slowing the transition to clean energy.
Moreover, our results highlight the pivotal role of governance in fostering a robust electricity market. This is neither surprising nor new – quality of governance matters over the long term in all aspects of economic activity. Agostini et al. (2019), for instance, show that well-structured regulations and strategic investments in interconnections enhance the effectiveness of cross-border electricity trade. Transparent regulatory frameworks, expanded grid interconnections, and harmonised energy policies can significantly boost the impact of regional electricity trade.
By strengthening collaboration, African nations can mitigate energy poverty, enhance supply reliability, and accelerate the shift toward a greener future.
To capitalise fully on cross-border electricity trade, African policymakers must prioritise regional energy integration, invest in infrastructure and implement incentives to spur renewable energy expansion. With the right policies and co-operative strategies, Africa can harness its vast renewable potential and achieve a more sustainable, energy-secure future.
Articles
- Powering Africa’s sustainable future: The role of cross-border electricity trade on renewable electricity generation
Energy & Environment, Mercy Adaji, Nicholas Vasilakos and Bereket Kebede (17/2/25)
- A surplus based framework for cross-border electricity trade in South America
Energy Policy, Claudio A Agostini, Andrés M Guzmán, Shahriyar Nasirov and Carlos Silva (1/2/19)
- The effects of cross-border electricity trade on power production from different energy sources
The Electricity Journal, Deniz Ege Boz, Baris Sanli and M Hakan Berument (20/4/21)
- Energy market integration and renewable energy development: Evidence from the European Union countries
Journal of Environmental Management, Malin Song, Haitao Xu, Zhiyang Shen and Xiongfeng Pan (5/6/22)
Questions
- How does electricity trade help mitigate the intermittency challenges of renewable energy, and what mechanisms could further enhance its effectiveness?
- The study highlights governance quality as a crucial factor in the success of cross-border electricity trade. What governance-related challenges do African countries face in implementing a unified electricity market, and how can policymakers address them to maximize trade benefits?
- Our results show that net electricity-importing countries tend to gain more from trade than net-exporting ones, particularly those relying on fossil fuels. What policy measures can be introduced to ensure that net-exporting countries also benefit from electricity trade while advancing renewable energy integration?
- What are the most critical infrastructure and policy gaps that hinder the growth of cross-border electricity trade in Africa, and how can these be overcome to facilitate a more sustainable energy transition?
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