Tag: cross-price elasticity of supply


The prices of many species of fish have risen in recent months. Coastal pelagic fish, such as mackerel, herring and sardines have risen especially rapidly. Mackerel, once seen as a cheap source of protein, is no longer quite such a ‘bargain’.

From January 2023 to May 2026, the international price index of pelagic fish rose by 69%. In 2025, UK supermarket fresh, chilled smoked and tinned mackerel prices rose by an average of 25%; and over the first part of 2026, some tinned mackerel product lines have increased by as much 55%. In February 2026, Waitrose announced that it would suspend sales of fresh and chilled mackerel and tinned mackerel once current stocks had been cleared. It cited overfishing and sustainability concerns.

Supply and demand

But why have mackerel prices risen so much? The price of fish is determined by demand and supply. So what has changed? The main changes have been on the supply side.

Supply.  Most of the world’s supply of mackerel comes from the Northeast Atlantic. These waters have been overfished for many years, thereby depleting the stock of the fish and reducing the amount of mackerel caught.

To arrest the decline and allow stocks to rebuild, the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (ICES) recommended a quota of 174,357 tonnes for 2026. This would represent a 70% cut from 2025. The main fishing countries – Norway, the UK, the Faroe Islands and Iceland – eventually agreed to a quota of 299,010 tonnes: a cut of 48%. After a series of bilateral agreements between the four countries over access to each other’s waters, this resulted in the following quota shares: UK 30.55%, Norway 26.4%, Faroes 12% and Iceland 10.5%. The remaining 20.55% would be for the EU, Greenland and Russia.

Despite these other countries not being part of the deal, in May 2026 the EU agreed to reduce its catch by 48% too. Russia, however, set its own quota of 67,548 tonnes, which is 22.6% of the total 299,010 quota, above the 20.55% set aside for the EU, Russia and Greenland combined and almost almost five times Russia’s historic quota share! The UK, EU and Iceland responded by agreeing to bar Russian vessels carrying mackerel from entering their ports.

The quotas have added to the decline in supply, even though the aim is to increase supply in the future as stocks are rebuilt. In May this year, the Norwegian catch was down nearly 85% – well below the 48% reduction in the quota.

Demand.  Despite higher prices, demand has remained strong. Part of the reason is that demand is relatively inelastic. This is because, despite its increase in price, mackerel remains a relatively cheap fish and thus there is little option to switch to cheaper alternative fish. Indeed, with other fish going up in price, and meat too, some people may even switch to mackerel.

Another reason for strong demand is the growing market outside Europe, especially in southeast Asia, China, South Korea and Japan. In some of these countries, mackerel is seen as a luxury fish and people are prepared to pay higher prices, making demand relatively inelastic but at the other end of the market. In 2025, imports of frozen whole mackerel into the region rose by nearly 9%, despite rising prices.

However, Norwegian exports to the region have been falling, reflecting lower quotas in 2025 and lower still in 2026. This has further exacerbated the rise in price and intensified competition between Asian importers. For example, in July 2026, Korea sent a ‘mackerel envoy’ to Norway and other major exporters to seek to secure additional supplies.

The future

With supply restricted by declining stocks and tighter quotas, and with a price inelastic and growing demand, the high prices of mackerel in all forms look set to last – at least until stocks rebuild and quotas can be relaxed. But, with total quotas well above the level suggested by the ICES, rebuilding could take a long time.

Articles

Data

  • Dashboards
  • European Market Observatory for Fisheries and Aquaculture Products (EUMOFA)

Questions

  1. Draw a supply and demand diagram to illustrate what has happened to mackerel prices.
  2. What is the effective price elasticity of supply of mackerel?
  3. Why is demand for mackerel relatively price inelastic in the UK, except when prices rise above a certain level?
  4. Why is demand for mackerel relatively price inelastic in certain Asian countries, such as Japan and South Korea?
  5. In which country is demand for mackerel likely to be more income elastic: the UK or Japan?
  6. Under what circumstances might the price of mackerel in five years’ time be (a) higher than now; (b) lower than now? What will determine which is more likely?
  7. Should other supermarkets follow Waitrose’s lead in stopping the sale of mackerel?
  8. What is the ‘tragedy of the commons’? Why is a common resource such as fish in the open seas likely to result in the tragedy?

With droughts and poor harvests in both North America and in Russia and the Ukraine, there are worries that food prices are likely to see sharp rises in the coming months. This is clearly bad news for consumers, especially the poor for whom food accounts for a large proportion of expenditure.

But it’s also bad news more generally, as higher food prices are likely to have a dampening effect on the global economy, struggling to recover from five years of low or negative growth. And it’s not just food prices. Oil prices are rising again. Since mid June, they have risen by nearly 25%. This too is likely to have a dampening effect.

Another contributing factor to rising food prices is a response, in part, to rising oil prices. This is the diversion of land from growing food to growing crops for biofuels.

G20 countries held a conference call on 28 August to discuss food prices. Although representatives decided against an emergency meeting, they agreed to reassess the situation in a few weeks when the size of the US harvest would be clearer. If the situation proved as bad as feared, then the G20 would call an emergency meeting of the Rapid Response Forum, to consider what could be done.

But is the sole cause of rising food prices a lack of production? Are there other problems on the supply side, such as poor distribution systems and waste? And what about the role of demand? How is this contributing to long-term increases in food prices? The articles consider these various factors and what can be done to dampen food prices.

Articles
G20 points to ‘worrying’ food prices Financial Times, Javier Blas (28/8/12)
US food prices to surge on drought Gulf News(30/8/12)
Best to get used to high food and energy prices – they’re here to stay The Telegraph, Jeremy Warner (29/8/12)
Feeling a drought The Economist (14/8/12)
Q&A: World food and fuel prices BBC News (14/8/12)
G20 considers global meeting as food prices rise BBC News (28/8/12)
Biofuels and Food Prices (direct link) BBC ‘In the Balance’ programme (25/8/12)
U.N. body urges G20 action on food prices, waste Reuters, Patrick Lannin (27/8/12)
Ethanol industry hits back over food price claims EurActiv (28/8/12)
The era of cheap food may be over Guardian, Larry Elliott (2/9/12)

Data
Food Price Index Index Mundi

Questions

  1. Why have food prices been rising in recent weeks?
  2. Use a demand and supply diagram to demonstrate what has been happening to food prices.
  3. What determines the price elasticity of demand for wheat? What might this elasticity vary over time?
  4. What is the role of speculation in determining food prices?
  5. Illustrate on an aggregate demand and supply diagram the effect of a commodity price shock. What is likely to be the policy response from central banks?
  6. What determines the price elasticity of supply of food in (a) the short term and (b) the long term?
  7. What determines the cross price elasticity of supply of food to the price of oil? Is the cross price elasticity of supply positive or negative?
  8. What can governments do to reduce food prices, or at least reduce food price inflation?
  9. What benefits may come from higher food and fuel prices over the longer term?